Школа політичної аналітики

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Сучасний аналітичний центр, який є частиною могилянського інтелектуального середовища та успішно запроваджує новітні наукові здобутки в українську аналітичну сферу.

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Non-EU external actors' perceptions in the Eastern Neighbourhood case countries
(2025) Arco, Inés; Mikhelidz, Nona; Nasibov, Murad; Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton; Shaporda, Yaroslava; Zubek, Marcin
This paper is a report prepared for Work Package (WP) 6 "Non-EU External Actors: Partners, Competitors or Adversaries?" of the SHAPEDEM-EU project. The report contains the outcomes of two separate yet parallel tasks related to the analysis of non-European Union external actors’ impact on the three case countries of Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine as well as perceptions of this impact. The non-EU external actors under analysis are China, the Council of Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States from the period 2010 to 2024. This deliverable contains information related to the conceptual insights applied for analysing the actors and the SHAPEDEM-EU activities involved to gain these insights. The key results from this deliverable involve impact assessments, perceptions analysis and case study conclusions. The annex contains three longer, separate reports on the impact of external actors on Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine.
Perceptions of External Influences in the Western Balkans and the Eastern Neighbourhood Countries : REUNIR – D6.3 – working paper 12 – analysis of local perceptions and key policy areas and their relations to external actors
(2025) Kuçi, Besjana; Buljubasic, Mirza; Author I, Georgian; Author II, Georgian; Loshaj, Jeta; Groza, Iulian; Ranković, Ivana; Pejić Nikić, Jelena; Petrović, Predrag; Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton; Sachenko, Taras; Pollozhani, Lura; Bieber, Florian
The REUNIR project aims to analyse and assess threats and opportunities for engagement with the countries of the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Serbia) and the Eastern Neighbourhood (Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine) on their path towards EU integration. The project also seeks to build future scenarios based on the data it will gather throughout its implementation. Within this framework, Work Package 6 is dedicated to looking at the issue of external actors and their influence from the bottom up. As part of this task, researchers of the different country teams first conducted a mapping exercise of the perceptions of citizens and actors in the countries of the WB and EN on the EU and other external actors (Pollozhani et al., 2024). The data for the mapping exercise relied on the methodology of various surveys and the data contained therein. With this report the aim is to go deeper and get a better understanding from experts and citizens in alignment with the REUNIR methodology.
EU Foreign Policy Practices and Democracy Support in Ukraine
(2025) Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton
This paper analyses the extent to which the EU foreign and security policy toward Ukraine reflects its declared objective of supporting democracy, alongside local demand for and perceptions of democratic governance. It also explores whether the EU learns new lessons and un-learns past inefficient practices, identifying the contextual and internal triggers that drive this process. The analysis applies the SHAPEDEM-EU framework, which conceptualises the democratic nature of EU foreign policy as a combination (but also variation) of social embeddedness, social empowerment and social accountability. Key turning points in EU-Ukraine relations are examined, including the Maidan, the Russian annexation of Crimea and parts of Donetsk and Luhansk in 2014, and the full-scale Russian military aggression in 2022. Findings highlight how the EU has evolved as a security and democracy-support actor towards Ukraine through its collaboration with Ukrainian civil society and government, leveraging local knowledge and responding to geopolitical challenges. The paper concludes that by 2025, the EU and Ukraine are mutually dependent in security matters, and continued EU support for security and democratic transformation, particularly in the rule of law and human rights, relies on local knowledge and remains indispensable for Ukraine’s resilience.
Military Threat Assessment in Eastern Neighbourhood & Western Balkan Countries : REUNIR – D3.1 – working paper
(2025) Lawrence, Tony; Lebanidze, Bidzina; Mogildea, Mihai; Osypchuk, Anna
This Working Paper, the first deliverable of REUNIR work package 3, aims to understand the nature of the military threats facing the nine candidate countries of the Western Balkans and Eastern Neighbourhood. We identify six military instruments that might be employed by third states against the candidate countries and from which threats — defined as functions of capabilities and intent to exploit vulnerabilities — may emerge. The six instruments are armed attack; armed presence; sub-threshold attack; military training; arms transfers; and defence cooperation. We assess, on a low-medium-high scale, the likelihood that each of these instruments will be employed against each of the candidate countries in the 2025-2030 timeframe; and, also on a low-medium-high scale, the impact on the candidate countries should these threats emerge. These assessments—essentially expert judgements by the research team—were supported by reference to sets of likelihood and impact indicators developed for this project and informed by a review of the primary and secondary literature dealing with the security environment of the candidate countries and a small number of expert interviews. The resulting threat scans, included as an Annex to this working paper, summarise the military threats to each candidate country. We conclude that in the Western Balkans, Russia will continue a pattern of behaviour that has seen it act as a spoiler power, using defence cooperation, military training, and arms transfers to sow instability. Its opportunities for doing so, however, have been reduced since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russia may also, as it has before, directly attack Western Balkans countries in the cyber domain. Those countries that are not members of NATO (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Serbia) are more likely to be vulnerable to Russia’s hostile actions. China, meanwhile, has sought to expand its presence in the regional arms market and will continue to do so, with consequences that may be destabilising. The presence of Chinese weapons systems in the armed forces of countries in the region may be an obstacle to their integration into European security arrangements. Türkiye will also continue to be a presence in the military domain through arms sales and defence cooperation. Türkiye’s agenda for the region is benign, but its promotion of parallel, possibly replacement regional arrangements centred around its own leadership may stand in the way of EU integration. Within the region, Serbia has directly employed military instruments against Kosovo, whose independence it does not recognise. It will likely—albeit at a reduced level—continue to pose threats to other Western Balkans countries, and, through a relationship with Russia that stands in the way of EU integration, to itself. The situation in the Eastern Neighbourhood is more serious. Russia is, and will continue to be, the predominant third state actor posing military threats in this region. Its occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and its support for Transnistria raise the likelihood of it employing (or continuing to employ) military instruments against Georgia and Moldova in the future. Russia will also continue to present the most serious of military threats to Ukraine. Its war there has dragged in other countries — including Belarus, China, North Korea, and Iran — that have become, and will remain, states that pose threats to Ukraine. In later work, we will evaluate the ability of the candidate countries, with EU support, to cope with these military threats and identify new or improved instruments in the EU toolbox to assist in countering them.
Tackling External Malign Influences and the Geopolitics of EU Enlargement Through the Lens of Public Perceptions from the Western Balkans and the Eastern Neighbourhood : REUNIR – D6.4 – working paper on lessons learned from an inter-regional comparative analysis and offering recommendations to strengthen EU policies to build resilience in the Western Balkans & Eastern neighbourhood
(2025) Yakovlyev, Maksym; Osypchuk, Anna; Sabura, Oleg; Suslov, Anton
In recent years, there has been a substantial shift in the EU’s stance on enlargement towards geopolitical logic and actorness. This is reflected in academic literature and debates on the reasons, rationales, effects, and deconstructions of such a turn. This Paper aims to look at how local perceptions and expectations in Candidate Countries (CCs) are shaped by malign foreign influences and the "geopolitisation" of EU enlargement, including the interplay of control and protean powers in addressing these challenges.As such, this Paper contributes to relevant academic debates by offering a perspective from the six CCs in the Western Balkans (WB6) and the Eastern Neighbourhood (EN) trio. Building on data from public opinion polls conducted in these countries in 2021-2025, our research draws on fieldwork carried out in the first half of 2025: at least two focus groups per country, with experts and the general public, and a minimum of 10 interviews per country with officials, politicians, experts, and civil society activists. In our empirical work, we focus on local perceptions and public sentiments regarding the risks, uncertainties, and external influences, particularly of a malign nature, that these countries are facing in the security, political, and socio-economic areas. We argue that in all nine CCs under review, malign external influences are seen as coming, if not exactly from within the region, then closely connected with it. Russia is seen as the key malign external actor by the public and experts in the EN3, accompanied (and mimicked in many of its approaches) by Serbia in the case of the WB6. Perceptions of the closeness of malign external influence are manifested and reflected upon differently in public perceptions in these countries, along with expectations of the EU and its role in resisting malign influences and boosting enlargement. The Paper also demonstrates that it is misleading to lump CCs together geographically, as the differences between the WB6 and EN3 are striking. Still, there are patterns and trends that transcend these regions and highlight CC responses to external influences, particularly Russia’s, as well as their interactions with the EU enlargement process, external policies, and toolkit. A comparative analysis of such perceptions and responses therefore expands the conceptual frameworks of the geopolitical turn of enlargement and the interplay of control and protean powers, and the wider theoretical debates regarding EU integration.
Political Threat Assessment in Eastern Neighbourhood & Western Balkan Countries : REUNIR – D5.1 – working paper
(2025) Isabell, Burmester; Bieber, Florian; Blockmans, Steven; Delcour, Laure; Ermurachi, Adriab; Kakachia, Kornely; Osypchuk, Anna; Petrović, Predrag; Pollozhani, Lura; Suslov, Anton; Lebanidze, Bidizna; Sabura, Oleh; Yakovlyev, Maksym
This working paper assesses political threats to democratisation and EU integration in the Eastern Neighbourhood (EN) and Western Balkans (WB). These regions are vital for the European Union’s strategic goals, yet their progress is hindered by geopolitical interference from actors such as Russia, China, Türkiye, and the Gulf states. The geopolitical context highlights how EN and WB countries are navigating a complex landscape of influence. Russia remains the most disruptive external actor, employing political interference, disinformation, and cultural diplomacy to destabilise governments and impede EU alignment. Countries like Serbia, Georgia, and Moldova are particularly vulnerable to Russian tactics, which includes support for separatist movements and anti-EU political narratives. China’s approach is more subtle, focusing on economic investments and promoting its governance model as an alternative to liberal democracy, with notable impacts in Serbia and Montenegro. Türkiye and the Gulf states primarily use cultural and religious diplomacy, leveraging historical and religious ties to expand their influence, although their impact is less destabilising compared to Russia. The threat assessment reveals that external actors use a range of tools to undermine democratic institutions and EU integration efforts. These include disinformation campaigns, electoral interference, and leveraging cultural and religious institutions. The likelihood and impact of these threats vary, with Russia’s activities in Serbia and Georgia posing significant risks. China’s influence, although less overt, fosters long-term authoritarian tendencies. Cultural diplomacy by Russia and Türkiye further complicates the democratic aspirations of these regions, through exploiting societal divisions and historical narratives. Addressing these threats requires targeted EU policies to mitigate vulnerabilities such as weak institutions, restricted media freedom, and socio-economic instability. Comprehensive strategies must counter hybrid threats while fostering resilience in candidate countries to ensure their alignment with democratic norms and European integration objectives. This Working Paper serves as a foundation for further research and policy development to strengthen the EU’s position in these contested regions.
Socio-Economic Threat Assessment in Eastern Neighbourhood & Western Balkan Countries : REUNIR – D4.1 – working paper on socio-economic threat scan in Eastern neighbourhood & Western Balkan countries
(2025) Akhvlediani, Tinatin; Balbon, Niklas; Ghiletchi, Stanislav; Friedrich, Julia; Lebanidze, Bidzina; Kandelaki, Salome; Osypchuk, Anna; Pejić Nikić, Jelena; Suslov Anton
This Working Paper investigates the most significant socio-economic threats posed by foreign actors to the Eastern Neighbourhood Three (EN3) and Western Balkan Six (WB6) , focusing on their implications for the economic progress and EU accession of these candidate countries. The analysis is built upon a comprehensive threat-mapping exercise that incorporates primary sources, such as national security documents, and secondary sources, including academic studies, policy reports, and media coverage. Quantitative data and indicators are also employed to highlight the socio-economic dependencies of these regions on external actors. Expert interviews were conducted to validate and refine the findings. The Paper presents case studies for each EN3 and WB6 countries to examine key malign actors, the instruments of their inference, likelihood, and impact of the identified threats. The analysis identifies several high-likelihood and high-impact threats from socio-economic perspectives, such as manipulation of energy dependencies, trade embargoes, exploitation of remittance reliance, leveraging investments in strategic sectors and critical infrastructure, fuelling corruption, passportisation, borderisation, exacerbating socioethnic divisions, fostering socio-economic inequalities, and altering population and labour force structures. The Paper identifies Russia as the key malign actor, mainly in the EN3, while Türkiye, China and some of the Gulf states are the source of socio-economic threats mainly in the WB6. The Working Paper shows that the likelihood and impact of these threats vary across the EN3 and WB6 countries, reflecting their differing socioeconomic dependencies on identified foreign actors and the geopolitical tensions in the two regions. Socio-economic threats stemming from Russian interferences predominantly have a high negative impact on socio-economic structures and European integration prospects of these candidate countries in the shortterm, though their magnitude tends to diminish in the medium to long-term. While threats arising from the interferences of Türkiye, China and Gulf states are highly likely to yield high negative impact in the long-term. This timeframe provides a crucial window for the EN3 and WB6 countries, along with the EU, to take proactive measures in crafting strategies that enhance resilience, address and potentially prevent the emergence of these socio-economic threats, and promote sustainable socio-economic development and European integration in both regions. Overall, the Paper offers a comprehensive and nuanced analysis of the socio-economic threats confronting socio-economic development and European integration of the EN3 and WB6 countries. The findings aim to inform policymakers about both the common and region-specific challenges facing the EN3 and WB6, highlighting critical areas where the EU and these candidate countries should concentrate their efforts to strengthen socio-economic resilience in the timeframe of 2025 - 2035.
European Contestations of EU Democracy Support in Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine
(2025) Mikhelidze, Nona; Gawrich, Andrea; Schöppner, Fabian; Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton
This paper examines how European actors contest and reinterpret the European Union’s democracy support in Georgia, Armenia and Ukraine across pivotal political turning points: Georgia’s candidate status and electoral crises (2022–2024), Armenia’s trajectory from the 2013 Association Agreement reversal through the Velvet Revolution to the post-Karabakh crisis (2017–2025), and Ukraine’s Euromaidan protests and the 2022 full-scale Russian invasion. Across the cases, the EU emerges as both a cautious supporter and an uneven enforcer of democratic conditionality, while local civil societies appear as democratic drivers, ruling elites as obstacles, and Russia as the external antagonist. When conditionality is inconsistently applied, as in Georgia, the Union undermines its credibility; when external threats reveal the limits of Russian influence, as in Armenia and Ukraine, the EU shows greater capacity for adaptation and decisive action. The findings demonstrate that contestation within the EU shapes democracy support in uneven ways: discourse often signals learning and adjustment, yet practice remains constrained by geopolitical calculations and entrenched approaches. The analysis underscores the EU’s ambivalence between strategic pragmatism and normative commitments, raising the broader question of whether it can unlearn ineffective patterns and act as a genuine promoter of democracy in its eastern neighbourhood.
Resilience Through EU Accession: A comparative Analysis of Local Perceptions in the Western Balkans and Eastern Neighbourhood : REUNIR – D6.4 – policy brief on lessons learned from an inter-regional comparative analysis and offering recommendations to strengthen EU policies to build resilience in the Western Balkans and Eastern neighbourhood
(2025) Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton; Sabura, Oleg; Yakovlyev, Maksym; Bieber, Florian; Pollozhani, Lura
Russia’s full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine has dramatically changed the security landscape in Europe. It not only unexpectedly resulted in three new Candidate Countries from the Eastern Neighbourhood but also shifted EU enlargement policies from a technical process to a geopolitical project. While EU enlargement policy has already been ‘geopoliticised’ in Brussels, it still lacks implications on the ground that would reflect a new paradigm where Candidate Countries are no longer wait-listed recipients of EU assistance but fellow architects of a common resilience infrastructure.
Digital Transformation
(2024) Shulimov, Stanislav; Kriuchok, Mariia
In the context of politics and for the purpose of SHAPEDEM-EU, digital transformation (DT) refers to adaptation and implementation of digital technologies into political and social processes. Recognizing its multidimensional and complex nature, DT first and foremost points to enhancing democratic procedures by incorporating new digital possibilities for citizens participation in political acts. Thereby, more sustainable practices for maintaining operational, transparent, and accountable democratic institutions can be implemented. This publication is part of WP1 of the SHAPEDEM-EU project, led by Roskilde University (RUC).
Neighbourhoods
(2024) Suslov, Anton
The EU’s Eastern and Southern Neighbourhoods are two areas of countries sharing either an overland or marine border with the EU. The concept originates from the idea of good neighbourliness which arose after WW2 (Hilz 2020). According to the Treaty of the EU (Art. 8), the "Union shall develop a special relationship with neighbouring countries, aiming to establish an area of prosperity and good neighbourliness, founded on the values of the Union and characterised by close and peaceful relations based on cooperation." This publication is part of WP1 of the SHAPEDEM-EU project, led by Roskilde University (RUC).
Concept Manual
(2024) Kriuchok, Mariia; Osypchuk, Anna; Shulimov, Stanislav; Suslov, Anton; Makdisi, Karim; Mouawad, Jamil; Bourekba, Moussa; Colomina, Carme; Dessi Andrea; Ezzamouri, Akram; Huber, Daniela; Mikhelidze, Nona; Dyduch, Joanna; Gora, Magdalena; Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka, Ewa; Zielińska, Katarzyna; Zubek , Marcin; Gawrich, Andrea; Konrad, Lea; Nasibov, Murad; Schöppner, Fabian; Achrainer, Christian; Pace, Michelle; Korosteleva, Elena; Kudlenko, Asya; Achrainer, Christian; Pace, Michelle
The following document represents the SHAPEDEM-EU project’s common understandings of its essential terms. SHAPEDEM-EU’s goal is to rethink, reshape and review the EU’s support for democratic politics in its Eastern and Southern Neighbourhoods. The diverse and multi-perspective constellation of SHAPEDEM-EU’s partners, objectives and activities require a unified set of concepts to contextualize the ongoing work. Over the course of the project’s first 8 months, its partners collaborated to define the concepts listed below. This document serves as a guiding manual for users to familiarize themselves with how SHAPEDEM-EU perceives democracy support and its related concepts. The manual’s inception and final output were directed by Michelle Pace and Christian Achrainer from Roskilde University. Through a series of meetings, deliberations, feedback and proof-reading phases, as well as final touches, the contributing authors and editors collectively prepared this conceptual manual. However, while much effort has been put into defining and agreeing upon these key terms, our understandings, as well as the understandings of our target audiences, are of course not stagnant. Thus, the concepts may be subject to change as SHAPEDEM-EU engages with key stakeholders to learn more about local democratic knowledge and practices of democracy support.
The Origins and Evolutions of the EU's Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policies in the Area of Security : REUNIR – D2.1 – working paper
(2024) Lawrence, Tony; Macchiarini Crosson, Dylan; Noutcheva, Gergana; Dandashly, Assem; Osypchuk, Anna
The development of the European integration project affirmed the narrative about the obsolescence of major war on the European continent, through the profound transformation of relations among European states in the second half of the 20th century. The concept of ‘Europe whole, free, and at peace’ (Bush, 1989) dominated much of the public and academic debate in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The idea of an expanding ‘security community’ promised to bridge the east-west divide and enhance the security of the whole continent. Yet, just over three decades later, the belief that war had become unthinkable as a means of resolving political differences on the continent was shaken by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, prompting the EU’s top diplomat Josep Borrell to warn in 2024 that ‘[a] high intensity, conventional war in Europe [was] no longer a fantasy’ (Foy, 2024). The degree of uncertainty facing the European security order today has never been so heightened throughout the post-Cold War history of the EU.
Digital Transformation as a Double-Edge Sword for Democracy : Working paper on digital transformation
(2024) Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton; Shaporda, Yaroslava
The paper discusses the juxtaposition of digital transformation (DT) and democracy support and democracy contestation. While the DT is defined as an adaptation and implementation of digital technologies into political and social processes, digital tools are seen as such that could be used both by democratic and non-democratic systems and are perceived as ‘neutral’. The paper aims to reveal how digital transformation in governance, public services, civic engagement, and more broadly in everyday social practices impacts democracies and democracy support. The digital transformation instruments are reviewed in the context of democracy support and democracy contestation and the conceptual framework for understanding of the role of DT as a cross-cutting issue in the SHAPEDEM-EU work packages is provided. The paper sets the ontological framework for the nexus of DT and democracy support or contestation. It discusses digital democracy and digital authoritarianism first on a conceptual level and then through the analysis of digital instruments and solutions. While they are sorted into two toolboxes – democratic and autocratic – almost all of them could be applied equally to enhance democratic support or to contest democracy and both to facilitate and to circumvent democratic practices and rights. Also, the interconnection of two cross-cutting issues of the SHAPEDEM-EU project: gender equality and DT, is outlined. Finally, the paper reviews EU policies concerning DT and the question of media literacy and its relation to democracy support and democracy learning.
Реінтеграція звільнених громад та соціальна згуртованість : друга хвиля: презентація результатів Всеукраїнського репрезентативного національного опитування
(2024) Осипчук, Анна; Суслов, Антон; Сабура, Олег; Яковлєв, Максим; Шапорда, Ярослава; Саченко, Тарас
З метою відстеження наявних потреб мешканців звільнених територій Школа політичної аналітики НаУКМА постійно проводить польові дослідження в регіонах. Результатом цих досліджень є презентація результатів Всеукраїнського репрезентативного національного опитування "Реінтеграція звільнених громад та соціальна згуртованість : друга хвиля".
Презентація результатів фокус-групових дискусій у деокупованих громадах Харківської, Херсонської та Миколаївської областей : опитування
(2024) Осипчук, Анна; Суслов, Антон; Сабура, Олег; Шапорда, Ярослава; Саченко, Тарас; Шильнікова, Анастасія
Розуміння потреб жителів деокупованих громад є критично важливим для їхнього ефективного повернення до культурного, інформаційного та правового поля України. З метою відстеження наявних потреб мешканців звільнених територій Школа політичної аналітики НаУКМА постійно проводить польові дослідження в регіонах. Результатом цих досліджень є презентація звіту "Соціальна згуртованість у деокупованих громадах Сходу та Півдня України", а саме результати другої хвилі фокус-групових дискусій у деокупованих громадах Харківської, Херсонської та Миколаївської областей. Дослідження проведено ГО "Школа політичної аналітики" за підтримки Програми сприяння громадській активності "Долучайся!", що фінансується Агентством США з міжнародного розвитку (USAID) та здійснюється Pact в Україні. Зміст цієї публікації є винятковою відповідальністю Pact та його партнерів і не обов’язково відображає погляди USAID або уряду США.
Реінтеграція звільнених громад та соціальна згуртованість : аналітичний звіт за результатами опитування
(2023) Осипчук, Анна; Суслов, Антон; Яковлєв, Максим
У жовтні 2023 року Школа політичної аналітики НаУКМА в межах репрезентативного всеукраїнського опитування поставила респондентам низку питань, що стосувались соціальної згуртованості, ставлення до певних категорій співгромадян, а також окремих питань політики реінтеграції, відновлення прав і справедливості та бачення повоєнного відновлення, особливо в контексті звільнених громад та територій. Опитування проводилось Соціологічною групою Рейтинг на замовлення Школи політичної аналітики НаУКМА за підтримки Програми сприяння громадській активності "Долучайся!", що фінансується Агентством США з міжнародного розвитку (USAID) та здійснюється Pact в Україні. Зміст цієї публікації є винятковою відповідальністю Pact та його партнерів і не обов’язково відображає погляди USAID або уряду США.
Результати дослідження "Як говорити про війну мовою культури"
(2021)
Проаналізували наявні культурні політики держави, що стосуються підтримки створення та поширення культурних продуктів про збройну агресію Російської Федерації проти України, тимчасово окуповані території України, внутрішньо переміщених осіб та інших осіб, які постраждали внаслідок бойових дій та тимчасової окупації територій України. • Вивчили фільми, серіали, книжки, вистави, які повністю присвячені або торкаються тематики збройної агресії Російської Федерації проти України. • За допомогою дослідницької агенції Info Sapiens провели всеукраїнське репрезентативне опитування з вибіркою 2000 респондентів та окремою довибіркою у 820 інтерв’ю в Донецькій, Луганській, Херсонській областях. • Провели 6 очних фокус-груп з мешканцями Донецької (Краматорськ, Волоноваха), Луганської (Сєвєродонецьк, Старобільськ) та Херсонської (Херсон, Генічеськ) областей, а також 3 онлайн групи – зі студентською молоддю цих регіонів. • Поговорили з 20 експертами з питань культури: посадовцями державних органів, митцями, культурними операторами.
Towards Efficient Reintegration Policies: Advances and Challenges : analytical report
(2021) Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton; Usachova, Veronika; Shulimov, Stanislav; Yakovlyev, Maksym
We regard reintegration models as different alternative sets of conditional choices of particular tools and measures aimed at conflict resolution and reconciliation based on short-term and long-term goals regarding specific target groups and beneficiaries, victims and / or those affected by the war and occupation (e. g., internally displaced persons and residents of temporarily occupied territories or frontline areas), and Ukrainian society and the state in general. At the same time, the choice of such individual tools and measures should take into account both international and internal previous experience of their implementation as well as a comprehensive analysis and modeling of various potential options for conflict resolution and reintegration. One should not forget that when talking about the policy of reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories, we must understand that the subject of such a policy is twofold: on the one hand, the policy of reintegration should be a policy of a "fight for the people" and on the other hand – of a "fight for the territory". Besides, policies in the context of both these types of struggles must not contradict but complement and reinforce each other. It is also important to use soft power both in contexts of the "fight for the people" and the "fight for the territory" (Українська призма, 2020, p. 7).
United Nations as a Humanitarian Organisation: to be or not to be? : policy brief
(2022) Osypchuk, Anna; Suslov, Anton
The news of the International Committee of the Red Cross opening an office in Rostov-on-Don (Russia) has caused a vigorous discussion within Ukrainian society on the role of international organisations in coping with the humanitarian challenges generated by the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Already, there are voices questioning the effectiveness and adequacy of such a response, particularly regarding the United Nations’ humanitarian organisations1. Within the UN as an umbrella institution, several humanitarian institutions such as OCHA, WHO, IOM, UNICEF, etc. are presumed to aid in humanitarian crises. Many of them launched their programs after Russia had occupied part of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts and Crimea in 2014. So, where are they now and what is their response?

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