Кафедра політології

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Der ambivalente Aufstieg einer ukrainischen "unzivilen Gesellschaft" nach dem Euromaidan
(2019) Umland, Andreas
Parteipolitischer Ultranationalismus war bislang in der postsowjetischen Ukraine – insbesondere bei nationalen Wahlen – ungewöhnlich schwach. Die drei wichtigsten rechtsradikalen Parteien "Freiheit" (Swoboda), "Rechter Sektor" (Prawyj Sektor) und "Nationales Corps" sind auch nach dem Euromaidan politisch marginal geblieben. Allerdings hat eine rechtsextreme "unzivile Gesellschaft" – die teils eng mit ultranationalistischen Parteien verbunden ist – im Kontext des anhaltenden Krieges mit Russland an öffentlicher Akzeptanz gewonnen. Die Aktivitäten dieser Nichtregierungsorganisationen und deren gelegentliche Zusammenarbeit mit staatlichen Institutionen verlangen nach sorgsamer Beobachtung durch ukrainische und ausländische Watch-Dog-Organisationen sowie Eindämmung durch die Kiewer Regierung.
Between Frontline and Parliament: Ukrainian Political Parties and Irregular Armed Groups in 2014-2019
(2021) Fedorenko, Kostiantyn; Umland, Andreas
The short-lived Ukrainian armed volunteer movement and its interaction with electoral politics, in some regards did, and in other regards, did not fit patterns observed in research into irregular armed groups (IAGs). The brief life span of most Ukrainian IAGs as more or less independent actors, and their swift integration into Ukraine’s regular forces during the years 2014–2015, were both unusual. They were also one of the reasons for the relatively low political impact of the IAGs as such - a repercussion that is in contrast to the partly impressive individual political careers of some IAG commanders in 2014–2019. There were various forms of interpenetration of parties with IAGs in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Certain parties, political activists, and MPs took part in the creation and development of IAGs in 2014. Some – to that point, mostly minor - politicians became soldiers or commanders of IAGs. Subsequently, a number of IAG members transited into the party-political realm, either joining older parties or creating new political organizations.
Between Russia and the West: Prospects for Ukrainian Foreign Policy Choices
(1998) Haran, Olexiy
The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the newly independen states created a new geopolitical situation, not only in Eastern Europe, but on the global level a well. The West lost its main enemy, the Cold War is over, and many Americans believe tha there are no grounds for U.S. involvement in the affairs of the former Soviet Union. However, Russia remains a great power with a huge nuclear arsenal, and the future of economic and political reform is unclear, as its foreign policy, especially in the so-called “near abroad.” The conflicts in this region influence the domestic and foreign policies of Russia and destabilize the situation in Eastern Europe, providing new challenges for Western policy in this region.
Changes in the Foreign Policy Orientations of Ukrainians after the Euromaidan: National and Regional Levels : [book chapter]
(2017) Zolkina, Mariia; Haran, Oleksii
The chapter of the book entitled "Constructing a Political Nation: Changes in the Attitudes of Ukrainians during the War in the Donbas", edited by Olexiy Haran and Maksym Yakovlyev.
Commentary: should Washington have pressed Kyiv into a compromise with Moscow?
(2022) Umland, Andreas
This article was submitted in late 2021, and became dated after Russia's demonstrative preparation as well as start of an open, large-scale invasion of Ukraineearly 2022. We nevertheless publish this commentary here in order to document the debate about the events leading to the escalation. No adaptations to the original 2021 article were made after the outbreak of high-intensity war on 24 February 2022. Avoiding a larger military escalation in the Russian–Ukrainian conflict is an important aim. Yet, historical experience suggests that concessions by Ukraine or its Western partners toward Russian revanchist aspirations in the Donbas may not help achieve it. On the contrary, Western softness, and Ukrainian weakness vis-à-vis the Kremlin will lead to further confrontation.
The Comparative Analysis of Regional Governors’ Approaches to Fostering Inclusive Political Institutions in Post-Euromaidan Donbas
(2017) Romanova, Valentyna
This study is inspired by a theory-driven expectation of a co-author of Why Nations Fail Daren Acemoglu in regard to fostering inclusive political institutions in post-Euromaidan Ukraine despite the armed conflict in Donbas. I examine how appointing a civil society activist - the one who used to help the Ukrainian Army during the security operation in Donbas - for a position of a regional executive in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast affects regional governors’ approaches towards the key conditions of inclusive political institutions: state capacity and power distribution. State capacity, namely its key dimension of monopoly over violence, is operationalized as control over the contact line in the armed conflict in Donbas. Power distribution is operationalized as holding democratic elections. I compare the approaches of three regional executives, including the one who was the civil society activist, towards state capacity and power distribution. I find that appointing the civil society activist for a position of a regional executive in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast affects regional governors’ approach towards control over the contact line, but not towards holding democratic elections. The study contributes to literatures on inclusive political institutions by analyzing new empirical data in line with the conceptual framework of Acemoglu and Robinson tailored for its application in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast.
Competing Discourses of 'Post-Colonialism' in Present-Day Ukraine
(2018) Yakushik, Valentin
Presentation speech at the 4th International Scientific and Practical Conference "Challenges of Postcolonialism: Philosophy, Religion, Education", (Kyiv, May 24-25, 2018).
Constructing a Political Nation : Changes in the Attitudes of Ukrainians during the War in the Donbas
(Stylos Publishing, 2017) Bekeshkina, Iryna; Sydorchuk, Oleksii; Burakovskiy, Ihor; Zolkina, Mariia; Haran, Olexiy; Chabanna, Marharyta; Kermach, Ruslan; Haran, Olexiy; Yakovlyev, Maksym
What effect did Russia’s attack have on Ukrainian society and on public opinion? And how, in turn, did changes in public opinion and in society influence Ukrainian identity and politics? This book, prepared by the School for Policy Analysis, National University of Kyiv–Mohyla Academy with the participation of the Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation, shows that contrary to the Kremlin’s expectations, Russian aggression has in fact led to a strengthening of the Ukrainian political nation. The book covers national and regional dimensions of changes in the attitudes of Ukrainians during the war in the Donbas: identity issues, political and party preferences, approaches to decentralization and the conflict in the Donbas, economic sentiments, changes in foreign policy attitudes toward the EU, NATO, and Russia.
Contemporary ukraine’s role in the caucasus
(2012) Yakushik , V.
This article examines various aspects of Ukraine’s policy towards the Caucasus region, in particular changes and continuity in that policy after 2010.
Contentious Politics and Repertoire of Contention in Ukraine: the Case of Euromaidan
(2014) Gomza, Ivan
The article introduces the paradigm of contentious politics to study the Euromaidan events in Ukraine, describing the mechanisms of contention politics in the events of November 2013 – February 2014. Special attention is paid to the repertoire of contention, which remained rigid during 1991–2013, but has evolved after January 19, 2014 due to structural reasons.
Crimea’s Annexation in the Light of International Law. A Critique of Russia’s Legal Argumentation
(2016) Merezhko, Oleksandr
Crimea’s annexation by Russia violated a whole range of the fundamental principles of international law and international treaties guaranteeing Ukraine’s territorial integrity, the inviolability of its borders, and security. By annexing Crimea, Russia also violated the estoppel principle of law and international morality. In light of the principles of contemporary international law, as well as in light of the Russian doctrine of international law, the arguments put forward by Russia’s President Putin, Russian officials, and international lawyers are untenable and in contradiction of the previous Russian doctrine’s approach towards the relationship between the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity.
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
(E-International Relations, 2020) Kuzio, Taras
The goal of this book is to launch a discussion of the crisis in Russian studies following the 2014 European crisis and Russian-Ukrainian war which has yet to be acknowledged by historians and political scientists in Russian and Eurasian studies. The book analyses the crisis through five perspectives. The first is how Western historians continue to include Ukrainians within an imperial history of "Russia" which denies Ukrainians a separate history. The second perspective is to counter the common narrative of Crimea as "always" having been "Russian" which denies that Tatars are the indigenous people of Crimea – not Russians. The third perspective focuses on academic orientalist approaches to writing about Ukraine and the Russian-Ukrainian war. The fourth perspective downplays Russian nationalism (imperialism) in Vladimir Putin’s Russia and completely ignores the revival of Tsarist and White émigré Russian nationalism that denies the existence of Ukraine and Ukrainians. Meanwhile, academic orientalism exaggerates the influence of Ukrainian nationalism in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. The fifth perspective counters the claim of Putinversteher (Putin-Understander) scholars of a "civil war" taking place in Ukraine through extensive evidence of Russian military aggression and imperialism. Finally, these five factors taken together show Russian studies will be unable to escape its crisis if it cannot come to understand how the source of the Russian-Ukrainian war lies in Russian national identity and its attitudes towards Ukraine and Ukrainians and why therefore the chances for peace are slim.
The Demise of Ukraine's "Eurasian Vector" and the Rise of Pro-NATO Sentiment
(2017) Haran, Oleksii; Zolkina, Mariia
Before 2014, the majority of Ukrainians did not view the goal of European integration as a "national idea". Even so, most Ukrainians had positive views about developing relations with and integrating into the EU. And even though former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych refused to accept the idea of joining NATO, he officially maintained EU integration as a priority. In fact, the Yanukovych administration helped finalize and initialed the text of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. Yanukovych’s sudden refusal to actually sign it, under Russian pressure, was the spark that set off the mass protests in late 2013 that would become the Euromaidan revolution. The success of the Euromaidan and the ensuing long-awaited signing of the Association Agreement signaled a shift among Ukrainians at both the national and regional level in favor of the EU. In addition, after Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Ukrainians came to favor joining NATO for the first time since independence. Simultaneously, support plummeted for Ukraine’s "Eurasia vector", i.e., joining Russia-led institutions like the Customs Union/Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).
Dezentralisierungsreformen in der Ukraine 2014-2019: Erste Ergebnisse und künftige Herausforderungen
(Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2019) Romanova, Valentyna; Umland, Andreas
Seit 2014 durchläuft die Ukraine einen tiefgreifenden Dezentralisierungsprozess, der die Beziehungen zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie grundlegend umgestaltet. Eine kombinierte Gebiets- und Verwaltungsreform delegiert politische Macht von der nationalen auf die kommunale Ebene. Eine Reform der regionalen und subregionalen Verwaltung auf der Oblast- und Rajonebene steht noch aus.
Disintegration of the Soviet Union and the U.S. Position on the Independence of Ukraine
(1995) Haran, Olexiy
Independent Ukraine, with a population of more than fifty million, has emerged as one of the main players in Eastern Europe, and Ukrainian-Russian relations are crucial for the future of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The interest in Ukraine is increasing in Western capitals. This paper covers the period from 1989 to 1992. In order to understand the evolution of U.S. policy towards Ukraine, it is important to assess the position of the Bush administration, which was challenged by the disintegration of the Soviet Union. I intend to analyze the broad geopolitical background of American-Ukrainian relations, America's perceptions of Ukraine, and the implications for relations with Ukraine and Russia.
The Drama of Ukraine's 2010 Presidential Election: Opportunities Lost-Does a Potential for Stabilization Remain?
(2010) Haran, Oleksii; Prokopchuk, Dmytro
This publication was made possible by a grant from Carnegie Corporation of New York.
The EU Member States and the Crisis in Ukraine: Towards an Eclectic Explanation
(2019) Härtel, André
The decision of the European Union (EU) to adopt and extend far-reaching sanctions against the Russian Federation came as surprise to many critics of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Especially in light of the history of EU-Russian relations and the deep divisions between member states when it comes to Russia-policy the Ukraine Crisis has become a turning point. This article tries to trace the roots of the EU's response to the crisis by looking at the level of the member states. In analysing three "most unlikely" cases (Germany, Italy, Austria) one-dimensional IR explanations are rejected. One needs to look for an eclectic approach instead. I argue here that Germany's surprising leadership role during the crisis can be understood by personal, learning-based and normative factors. Italy and Austria did not change national Russia-policy and their "critical consent" to EU-sanctions is based on a yet firm but increasingly more fragile commitment to the European project and order. Based on the findings the article concludes with a sceptical note on both the sustainability of the EU's current Russia-policy and European foreign policy development as such.
European Studies - is it a Sufficient Instrument of Europeanization in the Eastern Partnership Countries?
(2016) Demianchuk, Oleksandr
European Studies as the field of research and academic discipline presents in the majority of universities in the World. The content and scope of it cover a broad spectrum - from Area Studies characteristic mainly to the American and Asian countries to deep and thorough study of the European Union institutions, policies, law, and politics. Since the beginning of 2000s European Studies has begun its development more or less intensively in the East European countries which have European Integration ambitions. This article discusses the issue of existing and desirable content of the European Studies for the Public Administration systems to be more compatible with the EU standards and expectations. There are examples of activities on public servants and researchers education/training for these purposes.
Fighting for Freedom: Ukrainian Assessment of the Implications of the Russian Invasion for South Asia
(2022) Haran, Olexiy; Burkovskyi, Petro
Since the 2000s, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s policy towards Ukraine was aimed at restoring full control of the nation’s political, economic, and security systems. It contradicted Russian legal obligations as Ukraine had given up its nuclear weapons and Russia was among the guarantors of its territorial integrity. Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 resulted in heavy sanctions, which Moscow did not foresee, while Kyiv demonstrated better adaptability to the changing war situation and accelerated its integration with EU. Russia has been losing its status as a great power and the invasion has cost it dearly. Russian foreign and security policy in South Asia since 2014 is being questioned. The war between Ukraine and Russia created a profound global strategic and economic crisis for the South Asian countries. At the same time, it showed how smaller nations can defend themselves by building networks of clos partnerships with other neighbouring nations. The conflict also proved how manipulations with energy resources and food supplies can constrain such cooperation and how spread of narratives helps the aggressor state to disguise plans to build spheres of influence. Despite some attempts in South Asia to stay neutral between aggressor and its victim, or even to benefit from the war, withdrawal of the Russian troops from Ukraine would be beneficial for South Asian countries.
From Presidentialism to Parliamentarianism. Strenghtening or Weakening Democracy in Ukraine?
(Center for Strategic & International Studies, 2006-12) Burkovsky, Petro; Haran, Oleksii
The Impact of the March 2006 Parliamentary Elections, Building a Coalition Government in the New Constitutional Framework, The Delineation of Powers: To Be Continued are being reviewed in this article.

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