Кафедра загальнотеоретичного правознавства та публічного права

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Access to information on voters’ lists
(European Commission for Democracy Through Law (Venice Commission) in co-operation with The Estonian national electoral commission, 2013) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii
We, in Ukraine, have chosen the way of maximal transparency of the open part of voters' personal data both in the Registers and in voters' lists but only in a paper form. We consider it to be the way to promote correctness of voters' lists, to avoid mistakes as far as possible and to prevent from abuse and fraud. In this case, the principle of personal privacy must give way to guarantees of electoral rights of many people, which requires openness of the corresponding minimum set of voters' personal data. On the other hand, the access to the State voters' register electronic database is strongly limited which is considered as means of its integrity and security. This is the solution adopted in Ukraine. Other countries could select different priorities which would lead to different solutions.
Disenfranchising voters and some ways to avoid it
(The Electoral Commission [et al.], 2011) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii
Venice Commission Comparative Report on Thresholds and Other Features of Electoral Systems Which Bar Parties from Access to Parliament. It has been suggested that under a compulsory voting regime voters who are otherwise not inclined to vote might, out of their dissatisfaction with the major parties, "cast a protest vote" which often goes to a radical (usually a minor) party. As D.Nohlen reports, "radical right did fare slightly better in the eight nations which use compulsory voting" and " this evidence is suggestive". Speaking politically, non-participation of voters in elections means that they have no incentive to vote because they don’t believe it would change their life. It could be caused by two opposite reasons. On the one hand, people could be quite satisfied with the living conditions and feel no danger to them irrespectively of election results. On the other hand, people could be quite disappointed and not believing that something could change after elections. It’s clear that these two situations are met in different countries. Nevertheless the recipes are not of legal nature. In this presentation I tried to gather and to systematize possible criteria for disenfranchising which without any doubts are well known. I hope it could be a base for fruitful discussion.
Organisation and Holding of Elections in Post-War Ukraine. Prerequisites and Challenges : Needs Assessment Report
(2022) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii; Venher, Volodymyr
Ukraine has been facing armed aggression since February 2014. At the same time, the full-scale armed aggression that the Russian Federation launched against Ukraine on 24 February 2022 led to a number of new challenges and threats to the functioning of democratic institutions in Ukraine. In addition to the efforts of the aggressor state to occupy parts of the territory of Ukraine, it obviously intends to deny to the Ukrainian people the right to self-determination, self-identification and statehood. For this purpose, various tools of influence and manipulation have been used. Under these circumstances, the functioning of democratic institutions must adapt to the wartime challenges and realities. Certain rights and freedoms can and should be limited under martial law. The limits of acceptable restrictions have been defined by the Constitution of Ukraine. However, these restrictions must ensure the preservation of the democratic vector in the country's development. Ultimately, once the war is over, the central and local government authorities will have to fully restore their functions, as well as to ensure the possibility of holding elections. The need to call, organise and hold elections in the post-war period requires gradual and systematic preparation that should start now. A huge number of internally displaced persons, the occupation of large territories of Ukraine, the powerful propaganda and smear campaign against Ukraine and other severe challenges require both doctrinal and practical consideration. This study is a general attempt to present a systemic analysis of such issues and challenges aggravated by the war. The considerations presented here are based on a systemic study of international electoral law standards, Ukrainian domestic legislation and the current state of affairs in Ukraine. The problems and their tentative solutions identified by the authors would obviously require an extended and more detailed research. Nevertheless, this study points to the major threats to the democratic development of Ukraine through the lens of challenges as regards calling, organisation and holding elections in the post-war period.
Organisation and Holding of Elections in Post-War Ukraine. Prerequisites and Challenges : Needs Assessment Report (updated in December 2023)
(Council of Europe, 2023) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii; Venher, Volodymyr
Ukraine has been facing armed aggression since February 2014. At the same time, the full-scale armed aggression that the Russian Federation launched against Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the first such precedent after the Second World War, led to a number of new challenges and threats to the functioning of democratic institutions in Ukraine. In addition to the efforts of the aggressor state to occupy and annex parts of the territory of Ukraine, it obviously intends to deny to the Ukrainian people the right to self determination, self-identification and statehood. This war can be considered the first war in Europe to be long fought by a democratic state governed by the rule of law on its own territory to defend its existence against foreign aggression. By adhering to the high idea of protecting and preserving democracy and the rule of law as the foundations of its constitutional order even in a defensive war on its territory, Ukraine has thus confirmed its modern role as a defender of these high ideals of European civilisation against the lawless attack of an authoritarian terrorist aggressor. Any war, and especially the defensive war of a nation that has been subjected to a brutal unprovoked and unexpected aggression, is a special condition of the state and society. War requires the state and society to mobilise all forces and resources to the maximum extent possible, redistribute them to ensure the priority of defence and protection of civilians, ensure maximum efficiency of management, speed of decisionmaking and its implementation, certain changes as to the priority of the national objectives, in particular, certain changes as to the priority of ensuring the rights of citizens, which, generally speaking, is Ukraine’s main goal in accordance with Article 3 of its Constitution, while preserving the democratic nature of power to the maximum extent possible and preventing authoritarian practices in public governance. War also does not mean that the state should inevitably renounce the rule of law: Ukraine maintains that even in times of war, all measures taken by democratic authorities to repel the aggression must still comply with the requirements of law. At the same time, the needs of defence, and particularly effective command and control, may require a certain narrowing of the scope of some democratic procedures. However, this does not mean a complete abandonment of democratic institutions and cannot lead to arbitrary actions of the government unless prescribed by law. In such circumstances, the functioning of democratic institutions must be adapted to the requirements and circumstances of war. Certain rights and freedoms can and should be restricted under martial law. Article 64 of the Constitution of Ukraine, in full compliance with Article 15 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, defines the permissible limits of such restrictions. At the same time, it is necessary to understand that these restrictions should ensure the preservation of the democratic nature of the country’s constitutional order. After the end of the war, the issue of full restoration of proper functions of the central and local authorities and free and fair elections will be a key one. The need to call, organise and hold elections in the post-war period requires gradual and systematic preparation now. The huge number of internally displaced persons, the severe and destructive nature of hostilities and terrorist attacks by the aggressor, the occupation of large areas of Ukraine and related demographic processes, the aggressor's large-scale information and propaganda campaign against Ukraine and other severe challenges require both doctrinal and practical consideration. This study is a general attempt at a systematic analysis of such problems and challenges that have been exacerbated by the war. The considerations presented here are based on a systematic study of international standards in the field of electoral law, Ukrainian national legislation, prospects for its change, which are the subject of public discourse in Ukraine, and the current state of affairs in Ukraine. The list of problems and tentative ways of solving them proposed by the authors obviously require further in-depth and detailed research, taking into account the development of the situation in and around Ukraine, the experience of other European states that have faced military conflicts in recent decades. At the same time, this material draws attention to the main problems of restoring full-fledged democratic functions of the Ukrainian state through the prism of challenges to the appointment, organisation and conduct of elections in the post-war period.
Political Parties in Ukraine: Wartime Challenges and Post-War Perspectives : Needs Assessment Report
(Council of Europe, 2023) Bohasheva, Nataliia; Boiko, Olena; Venher, Volodymyr; Doroshenko, Bohdana; Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii; Simon, Bertrand
The full-scale military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine has created extremely harsh conditions for democratic institutions in Ukraine. After all, active hostilities affect all areas of public life, and thus the activities of political parties have also been significantly affected and adjusted. Political activity in society is entirely conditioned by challenges resulting from the war. The activities of state authorities, local self-government bodies, public associations and businesses now largely depend on the course of hostilities and the scale of the damage caused. The needs of national security, defence, evacuation of residents affected by hostilities and humanitarian support of the population take first place. At the same time, the level of transparency and openness of the work of public authorities, even elected local councils, has been significantly affected. This impact substantially limits not only the possibility of a lively political struggle but also the need for it, because many decisions of public authorities are adopted by consensus and with maximum support from society. Under such conditions, political parties need to transform their significance in society and change the forms of their activity. The imposition of restrictions on the activities of pro-Russian political parties in Ukraine has also become essential in ensuring national security. The corresponding amendments to legislation have become the basis for initiating more than a dozen legal proceedings to ban certain political parties. Such decisions of the state will undoubtedly have an impact on the party landscape and political structuring of society in the post-war period. This report attempts to present a systematic analysis of such problems and the challenges exacerbated by the war. The considerations presented herein are based on a comprehensive consideration of international standards in the field of political parties, Ukrainian national legislation and the current state of affairs in Ukraine. The list of problems suggested by the authors and their analysis obviously require more in-depth and detailed research. At the same time, this report draws attention to the main threats to the democratic development of Ukraine seen through the prism of challenges to the activities of political parties in wartime conditions and the prospects of restoring their full functioning in the post-war period.
Regulacja prawna samorządu terytorialnego w Ukrainie podczas wojny i warunki przeprowadzrnia wyborów lokalnych po zakończeniu stanu wojennego
(2023) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii; Venher, Volodymyr
Agresja Rosji wobec Ukrainy stworzyła szereg bezprecedensowych wyzwań we wszystkich sferach życia państwowego i publicznego. Stan wojny nie oznacza jednak odrzucenia demokratycznego i prawnego charakteru państwa. Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie ukraińskich doświadczeń w zakresie prawnej regulacji funkcjonowania samorządu terytorialnego jako jednej z głównych instytucji demokratycznego państwa w stanie wojennym, a także przesłanek i wyzwań związanych z powojennym przywróceniem pełnoprawnego samorządu terytorialnego. Autor analizuje podstawy legislacyjne i praktykę tworzenia lokalnych administracji wojskowych oraz ich współistnienie z organami samorządu terytorialnego na poziomie gminy i obwodu (rejonu), a także przesłanki przekazania niektórych kompetencji z organów samorządowych do administracji wojskowych. Autorzy wskazują na wprowadzenie nowej instytucji czasowego zawieszenia organów samorządu terytorialnego z ewentualnym wznowieniem ich działalności po zakończeniu stanu wojennego. Analizowane są również główne trudności przyszłego przywrócenia organów samorządu terytorialnego na terytoriach dotkniętych aktywnymi działaniami wojennymi i okupacją. Zwrócono uwagę na prawne i praktyczne problemy związane z powoływaniem i przeprowadzaniem wyborów samorządowych po zakończeniu stanu wojennego.
The choice of an electoral system: some lessons from the Ukrainian experience
(Council of Europe, 2010) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii
The Forum shows that it is time we analysed our experience with promoting and implementing the Code of Good Practice in the Field of Political Parties, clarified the content of some of the concepts and clauses, and established a number of minimum standards as vital requirements for compliance with the main principles as well as their possible expansion under different electoral systems and other specific circumstances in different countries. It might be useful to highlight examples of current practices which are incompatible with the European electoral heritage. I might venture to say that such an activity would be especially useful and instructive for new democracies. On the other hand, I am sure that the practice of the newly democratic countries provides many new pointers for analysis and general implementation, thus enriching the common experience. This might help ensure that the diversity of European nations promotes our common future development.
Treść i podmioty praw wyborczych w prawie konstytucyjnym Ukrainy
(2014) Kliuchkovskiy, Yurii
Podmiotowe prawa wyborcze należą do podstawowych politycznych praw człowieka, zapewniających funkcjonowanie demokracji przedstawicielskiej – udział obywateli w wyborach. W nauce prawa konstytucyjnego powszechnie przyjęty jest pogląd, zgodnie z którym istnieją dwa rodzaje podmiotowego prawa wyborczego – czynne i bierne; wydaje się jednak, że oprócz tych dwóch praw wyborczych, do rozważenia jest jeszcze trzecie – nominacyjne prawo wyborcze, tzn. prawo zgłaszania kandydatów podczas wyborów. Treść wszystkich podmiotowych praw wyborczych związana jest z wyborami, to jednak czynnikiem decydującym o istnieniu różnych praw (nie zaś wyrazem czy realizacją jednego "szerokiego" prawa) jest różnica w podmiocie takiego prawa. Dlatego też, chociaż pojęcie praw wyborczych należy do dobrze znanych, dla dokładnego zrozumienia istoty praw wyborczych konieczne jest zarówno ustalenie ich podmiotów, jak i adekwatnej treści. Czynne prawo wyborcze jest "prawem wybierania". Może być realizowane poprzez różne sposoby głosowania – na poszczególnych kandydatów, listy kandydatów (partii) lub kombinację różnych opcji. Treść biernego prawa wyborczego jest mniej jednoznaczna. Wybór jako otrzymanie mandatu przedstawicielskiego jest możliwością, nie zaś prawem zainteresowanej osoby. Dlatego też zasadne jest uznanie terminu „prawo bycia wybranym” tylko nazwaniem („oznaczeniem”) biernego prawa wyborczego, a nie jako określenie jego treści. Tak więc, treścią biernego prawa wyborczego jest to, że człowiek ma prawo być kandydatem w wyborach, tj. pretendować do zdobycia mandatu przedstawicielskiego lub funkcji z wyboru. Nominacyjne prawo wyborcze oznacza, mniej więcej, prawo do zgłaszania kandydatów podczas odpowiednich wyborów. Przeprowadzona w artykule analiza wzajemnych zależności pokazuje, że nie ma prostego i jednoznacznego związku między podmiotami czynnego i biernego prawa wyborczego, z jednej strony i prawem zgłaszania kandydatów – z drugiej. W każdym razie nie ma podstaw dla utożsamiania tych podmiotów jako adresatów tych praw. W związku z powyższym prawa mające ze swej natury różnych adresatów nie mogą być rozpatrywane jako stanowiące jedno prawo. Tym samym zasadne staje się twierdzenie o istnieniu trzech różnych podmiotów praw wyborczych aktywnego (prawa głosu), biernego – (prawa bycia kandydatem) i nominacyjnego (prawa zgłaszania kandydatów).

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